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The social science journal Social Compass released a special issue in French and English on “Religious dynamics in post-revolutionary Egypt” (or “Dynamiques religieuses dans l’Égypte post-révolutionnaire” for Francophones).
The issue includes an introduction by Gaétan Du Roy and Séverine Gabry-Thienpont, and articles in French by Clément Steuer and Costantino Paonessa, and in English by Sebastian Elsässer and Mina Ibrahim.
The abstracts are as follows:
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In Egypt, the ‘political parties with a religious basis’ are explicitly prohibited by law since 1977. However, this ban has had a negligible impact on political life, because administrative jurisprudence has since long diminished its scope, by reducing the question of the religious basis of a party to that of the confession of its members. Nevertheless, the secular opponents of the Islamists have repeatedly claimed, since the constitutionalization of this ban in January 2014, that it should be interpreted more strictly. This article first recalls how the Islamist and secular camps emerged during the political and constitutional struggles of the 2011–2013 era, before examining the competing interpretations of the notion of ‘religious party’, such as made by the administrative jurisprudence, by supporters of the ban on Islamist parties, and by the Islamists themselves.
Elsässer, Sebastian. 2024. The Coptic divorce struggle in contemporary Egypt. Social Compass 66(3): 333-351.
Since his accession in 2012, Coptic Orthodox Pope Tawadros II has initiated a number of reforms within the church, including a major overhaul of the church court system and the introduction of more liberal provisions concerning divorces. This article explores the historical development and current state of divorce and divorce law within the Coptic Orthodox Community in Egypt and the complex interactions between Coptic citizens, their church, and state courts. Scrutinising interviews and press statements by the new pope and senior clerics, it investigates their ideas of Coptic family law and their justification for changing the Church’s approach to the divorce issue. It also takes the perspective of divorced Copts and looks at the myriad paths people have been following in search of legal and administrative loopholes, and assesses the impact that the new regulations will have on their lives.
Paonessa, Constantion. 2024. L’après 2013 des confréries soufies égyptiennes : allégeance au pouvoir, dissensions internes et « renouveau du discours religieux ». Social Compass 66(3): 352-365.
This article discusses the role of some Sufi orders and some of their sheikhs who are members of the Higher Council of Egyptian Sufi Brotherhoods in the project to ‘renew religious discourse’ (tajdīd khitab al-dīnī) launched by President al-Sissi in 2015. In particular, it raises the question of the extent to which contemporary Sufi ulemas reclaim concepts belonging to the Islamic mystical tradition, such as that of tajdīd (renewal), in order to adapt it to the needs of the country’s political agenda. Finally, based on the case of the al-’Azamiya brotherhood, this article aims to question the role played by Sufi identity as a factor of political mobilization.
Ibrahim, Mina. 2024. A minority at the bar: Revisiting the Coptic Christian (in-)visibility. Social Compass 66(3): 366-382.
How do Coptic Christians make sense of a predominantly negated practice such as drinking and selling alcohol? What do they do when they are forced or voluntarily desire to join alcoholic spaces that are refused by ruling religious and social forces? In this article, I build on the unorthodoxy of beer and liquor as per the hegemonic Coptic Orthodox Church tradition of 网络 梯子 in Egypt by pointing out to completely overlooked interactions that Coptic Christians have at alcoholic spaces. I argue that experiences of Coptic Christians at a bar complicate how and where Copts strive for a ‘visibility’ (i.e. recognition) in a country of a Muslim majority. Especially with the brutal crackdown on the post-2011 street activism following the 2013 coup, predominantly negated venues of entertainment and fun give us hints to important meanings of agency in the lives of members of the largest Christian minority in the Middle East.
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“What was he thinking?” is the question people keep asking about General as-Sisi’s Jan. 6 interview on 稳定付费梯子.
It was interesting to watch the interview, which was heavily edited and used strong anti-regime voices to contextualize as-Sisi’s comments, but even more interesting to look at how the metadiscourses generated by the interview turned it into a media event.
The term “media event” is most commonly used as a synonym for Daniel Boorstin’s “pseudo-event” an event or activity conducted for the purpose of media publicity, that is, something that wouldn’t really be an event if the media were not present. I prefer to use Boorstin’s term and to reserve media event for news stories that become events by virtue of their mediated impact.
In the largest sense, of course, all news stories are communicative acts in which someone says something to someone through some medium with some effect, and these communicative acts take place within communicative events–recognition of which is the basis of the ethnography of communication. But communicative acts and events are governed by sets of norms and genre rules that give them a sense of standardization and regularity. For a news story, one of these norms is that news is a flow of information about something. News is usually understood as a channel through which information flows, rather than an event in itself.
Except when the publication of the information itself becomes news, becomes something that must itself be reported. This can happen because an investigative story explodes into the mediascape and into public discourse, becoming the basis for other news stories, rebuttals, investigations, dinner conversations, web page trolling, memes, and so forth.
But it isn’t always serendipitous. Media producers often actively seek to create conditions for stories break out into the public sphere.
So in using media event to refer to the as-Sisi interview, I am writing about how the news interview, itself a performance with specific genre characteristics, became itself the basis of news stories and commentaries, before fading into relative obscurity as most media events eventually do. In this sense, the news interview with as-Sisi became a media event as it became reframed by 60 Minutes, CBS News and others as “the story Egypt didn’t want you to see”, and as its real or purported effect in the world becomes a story in itself.
There are multiple overlapping levels of mediated political performances taking place here. As a heuristic, I’ll identify four:
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In the first wake of the Egyptian uprisings, and their framing as a “Facebook” revolution or Twitter revolution or “social media revolution” there was a lot of Utopian discourse about the power of social media to create political transformation from authoritarianism to democracy.
Where are we now in our understanding of the role of the Internet in social movements, democratization and political transformation?
The Internet is a “great missed opportunity” for democratic political action and democratization, argues Stephen Coleman in his book Can the Internet Strengthen Democracy? (Polity 2017). Coleman’s “missed opportunity” is largely seen as a failure by governments–especially in democratic countries –to use the Internet to reconfigure political practice and connect with citizens.
Those citizens themselves, on the other hand, have adapted their own political practices to the digital era in many ways. Coleman insists that citizens are not masses being affected by technologies of communication but active agents who think about
political agendas and make judgments.
One of the great strengths of Coleman’s work is thus that he abandons technological determinism–“what is the Internet doing to democracy?”–in favor of asking what political actors are doing with the Internet. His answer: not enough.
The core of Coleman’s argument is in Chapter 3, where he lays out six strategies through which the Internet enables–or can enable–citizens to effectively engage in politics:
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This might seem like an odd post because it is only tangentially related to Egypt. But it is based on lessons learned while I was the director of the graduate program in Sociology-Anthropology at the American University in Cairo. These lessons were learned as I went through the process of weeding more than a hundred applications to our graduate program every year, and these lessons helped me advise our students on how to present themselves so that their substantial accomplishments will show to the best effect. And it worked: many of the students I advised got into top notch graduate schools in Europe, North America and Asia.
I thought about this because a student asked me for a letter of recommendation to a graduate program recently, and as part of the package she sent me her “cover letter.” That’s what she called it. And that’s what it read like. And I e-mailed her and suggested she make some substantive changes to her application letter.
I’ve given this talk a hundred times, but I’ve never written it down before. Here it is:
A letter to graduate school is different than a letter applying to an undergraduate program. When you write to a graduate program you applying to a specific group of specialists in a field of research and asking them to invest a great deal of time and money in you, instead of one of the many other applicants for the program. Your application letter is not a cover letter for your c.v.; it is an advertisement of what you have to offer, an explanation to busy graduate faculty of why you should be one of the handful of students they accept into their program this year.
To that end, I usually advise students that a letter to a grad program should serve at least four functions:
- First, it should provide a hook, something that makes you stand out.
- Second, it should explain and expand on the accomplishments that are just bullet points on the resume.
- Third, it should explain not just why you want to study the field you are applying to, but 如何在steam里购买游戏-百度经验:2021-10-17 · steam怎么查看我已经购买拥有的游戏 40 2021.06.03 如何在steam上用激活码兑换游戏 15 2021.09.30 Steam如何退款众及退款的一些小技巧 144 2021.02.28 steam支付页面打不开怎么办 22 2021.02.10 如何在Steam里购买游戏 0 2021.08.10, in their particular graduate program.
- And finally, it should speak to what you will bring to the program.
Let’s take each of these separately.
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Back in 2012 I blogged about MidEast Tunes (mideasttunes.com) one of the largest Arabic music sites in the world. I just updated my old post to fix the broken links–they changed their url from mideasttunes.org to mideasttunes.com)–and discovered that the site has gotten bigger and better.
Founded in Beirut in 2010 by an organization called MidEast Youth, the site is another of the myriad efforts to leverage social media as a tool for progressive social change in the Arab World and beyond.
Now you can create playlists, share what you are listening to Facebook and other social media, and even listen off-line.
They also have an app, so you can be mobile with your music.
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Earlier this year I published a post describing how back in 2015 three artists — Heba Amin, Caram Kapp and Stone — were hired to create background graffiti for the sets of the TV show Homeland, and decided to express their disdain for the way the show represents Arabs in general, and Muslim Arabs in particular, by inserting messages that broke the fourth wall and critiqued the program in which they appeared.
The artists took credit for the act as soon as the show had aired, and it came to be called “the Homeland Hack,” and much celebrated by activists/artists.
So celebrated that German artists David Krippendorf decided to do a “homage” to the hack. He created an installation called “This Show Does Not Represent the View of the Artist,” a small series of silkscreens that reproduce the graffiti from the hack in gold on silk. This art is in line with much of Krippendorf’s other work, which involves appropriating images from films and media and recontextualizing them to expose and rearticulate the ideologies that pervade them.
In a less dramatic, more rareified and certainly better compensated way, Krippendorf’s work is inspired by the same impulse that inspired the Homeland hack–which is why he wanted to make an homage to it.
The original artists were deeply offended that their work was appropriated and used without their permission. So they confronted the artist.
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There is an account in Chapter Three of Pál Nyíri’s Reporting for China: How Chinese Correspondents Work with the World in which a couple of Chinese correspondents reflect on their reporting of the Egyptian revolution of 2011.
They explained that their Western colleagues saw the uprisings, the collapse of the Mubarak regime, and the subsequent political chaos as the story of a failed transition to democracy, and this view framed the news stories they wrote.
The Chinese journalists, on the other hand, saw the revolution as the collapse of a great country after the ouster of the strong authority who held it together.
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For the Chinese correspondents, their experience of the Egyptian uprisings and their aftermath, and the stories they tell about it, offer a cautionary tale relevant to audiences back home, and the wider world: there are worse things that can happen to a country than not having democracy.
I find this story compelling because it offers a more nuanced approach to understanding how different regimes of truth generate different kinds of news than simplistic accounts that reduce ideologies to elementary categories like “free,” “not free,” and “partially free.” (I previously reviewed a paper by Ying Roselyn Du that does just this).
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“Sisi sworn in for second Egyptian presidential term amid crackdown on critics,” read the headline of the Reuter story on President As-Sisi assuming his second term in office. The Guardian headline was similar: “Egypt’s Sisi is sworn in for a second term, amid crackdown on dissent”
As-Sisi rode to power in 2013 on a wave of enthusiasm. Here, it was hoped, was someone who could bring back stability, improve the economy and be a secular president for all Egyptians. As I wrote elsewhere, reflecting on post-uprising Egypt through the lens of liminality theory:
Egypt’s quest is to find a “ritual specialist” to end this period of liminality by initiating the “decline and fall into structure and law”—the new order that will replace the old. Al-Sisi’s capacity to fulfill this role depends on his ability to present an authoritative narrative of order for the new Egypt…
In the event, as-Sisi’s regime has attempted to crush all forms of dissent, targeting Islamists, critics, activists, human rights organisations and journalists.
Among those arrested during the swearing-in period:
- Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh (Feb. 14), physician and former presidential candidate, accused of leading a terrorist organisation .and spreading false news inside and outside the country
- Moataz Wadnan (Feb 23), journalist, accused of publishing false news that incites against the state (apparently for interviewing Hisham Geneina), and of joining an illegal group that aims to disrupt state institutions.
- Adel Sabry (Apr. 3), editor in chief of Masr-al-Arabia, a news web site, for spreading false news by republishing a New York Times article about alleged irregularities during the 2018 presidential election
- 在线梯子网址 (April 24), former head of the Central Auditing Authority, accused of spreading news that harms the armed forces.
- Shady Abou Zeid (May 6), comedian and vlogger, accused of joining an outlawed group and spreading false news.
- Amal Fathy (May 11), activist and actress. Accused of membership in a terrorist organization, calling for terrorist acts over the internet, and spreading false news that “damages the public order and harms national security” (apparently for complaining on social media about being sexually harassed by two policemen).
- Shady Ghazaly Harb (May 15), political activist, accused accused of insulting the president and spreading false news with the intent of destabilizing social peace and national security
- Haitham Mohamedeen (May 17), activist and human rights lawyer, accused of joining a terrorist organisation and calling for the overthrow of the regime by publishing false news.
- 梯子购买 (May 22), journalist and social researcher, sentenced to ten years in prison for allegedly belonging to an illegal organization and spreading false news regarding national security in Sinai.
- Wael Abbas (May 23), blogger and journalist. Accused of joining a banned group.
- Mona el-Mazboh (May 31), Lebanese tourist, accused of deliberately spreading false rumors that are harmful to society and infringing upon religion for posting a video about being harassed and cheated in Egypt.
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I assure you that accepting the other and creating common spaces between us will be my biggest concern to achieve consensus, social peace and real political development in addition to our economic development…
I will not exclude anyone from this common space except those who chose violence, terrorism and extremist thought as a way to impose their will…
I think there is more going on here than mere hypocracy. This juxtaposition of rhetorical commitment to inclusivity and the common good while engaging in increased arrests and incarcerations (and, let’s face it, torture), made me think about an argument on repression and legitimization in a (relatively) recent article by Mirjam Edel and Maria Josua in the journal Democracy.
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Framing The Revolution In Chinese
It will come as no surprise to most of us that how the Egyptian Revolution, and the Arab Spring more generally, was covered in global media would depend on the attitudes of authorities in those countries toward uprisings in general, democratic uprisings more specifically, and the use of social media as a tool of mobilization in particular.
Still, the details of how particular media frame events is usually interesting, and that proves to be the case in an article entitled “Tinted revolutions in prismatic news: Ideological influences in Greater China’s reporting on the role of social media in the Arab Uprisings” by Ying Roselyn Du of Hong Kong Baptist University, published in Journalism.
Du uses a sample of 162 news stories for the analysis, including 55 from mainland China, 65 from Hong Kong, and 42 from Taiwan. These stories came from 60 newspapers, including 32 from mainland China, 15 from Hong Kong, and 13 from Taiwan.
Essentially, Dr. Du found that newspapers in Taiwan and Hong Kong were far more likely to discuss the role of social media in the Egyptian protests than mainland Chinese newspapers, and that Taiwanese newspapers were more likely to write about the ways people found to get around Egypt’s Internet blockade than either Chinese or Hong Kong news media.
Du concludes that:
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Anthropology of Coptic Christianity Since 2012
I was having dinner in Seoul recently with an old friend who taught in Egypt back around 2000. Living in East Asia for the past decade, he hasn’t really kept up on Egypt, and after a conversation about the revolution and its aftermath, he asked about Copts. There was always, he said, a tension between Muslims and Copts in his classes, and he said he’d never really understood it. We discussed it, and I sent him this post.
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So here’s an update:
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Mahmood, Saba. 2016. Religious difference in a secular age: a minority report. Princeton, New Jersey : Princeton University Press.
Publisher’s Description: The plight of religious minorities in the Middle East is often attributed to the failure of secularism to take root in the region. Religious Difference in a Secular Age challenges this assessment by examining four cornerstones of secularism—political and civil equality, minority rights, religious freedom, and the legal separation of private and public domains.
Drawing on her extensive fieldwork in Egypt with Coptic Orthodox Christians and Bahais—religious minorities in a predominantly Muslim country—Saba Mahmood shows how modern secular governance has exacerbated religious tensions and inequalities rather than reduced them. Tracing the historical career of secular legal concepts in the colonial and postcolonial Middle East, she explores how contradictions at the very heart of political secularism have aggravated and amplified existing forms of Islamic hierarchy, bringing minority relations in Egypt to a new historical impasse. Through a close examination of Egyptian court cases and constitutional debates about minority rights, conflicts around family law, and controversies over freedom of expression, Mahmood invites us to reflect on the entwined histories of secularism in the Middle East and Europe.
A provocative work of scholarship, Religious Difference in a Secular Age challenges us to rethink the promise and limits of the secular ideal of religious equality.
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